نشریه مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل
سال ششم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1402)

Studies and reviews of primary references and also recent studies carried by historians of the dawn of Islam suggest the fact that most of these works is based on describing the matter of Bi'tha and explaining the political and military changes in the Islamic Caliphs' and rulers' era after the prophet's departure. Hence, addressing the economic matters at the dawn of Islam is not in the form of an independent topic in primary references, but it is unfocused and scattered among narrated occurrences in the history of the dawn of Islam. In recent studies most of historians of the dawn of Islam also focus on the generality of economic subjects in this era, such as economics of the peninsula before Islam, basics of Islamic economy, the relationship between religion and economy, the prophet's economic policies, and the economics of Muslims in the prophet's and the Caliphs' era, and they rarely address the matter of agriculture as an independent matter. Agriculture has a significant importance as one of the main components of economic system in every community and plays a remarkable role in providing livelihood and economic independence for such community. Therefore, the current study tries to discuss and review the Islamic rulers' approach towards the matter of agriculture by focusing on this case in the first century of the history of Islam. Regarding the vastness of Islamic lands in the first century after hegira and the remarkable historical background of agriculture in some conquered reigns such as Iran and Egypt it is obvious that reviewing agricultural economic changes in these reigns after the arrival of Arab Muslims is a matter in need of detailed and distinct discussion which is not included in this study. According to this, the main purpose of this study is only to describe the Muslim rulers' policies regarding the matter of agriculture and factors which affect these policies until the end of the first century after hegira.

Considering the historical nature of the study and in order to elucidate it, this study tries to discuss and review the progress of changes in the field of Muslim rulers' policies concerning agricultural economy, using a descriptive-analytical method and by referencing to primary sources and some recent researches.

Studies and reviews of Arabia economics before the advent of Islam suggest that agriculture was not thriving in this area of the world due to climate conditions such as desert nature and lack of rain. Although sedentism and stable lifestyle existed in regions such as Yemen since the third century BC due to appropriate climatic and natural conditions, people did not show interest in agriculture and sedentary lifestyle in most areas and nomadism, primitive lifestyle, and tent-living were common. Following the prophet's Bi'tha and his immigration from Mecca to Medina, Arabian Peninsula faced new circumstances in various economic fields including agriculture. Historical reports confirm that arrival of the prophet to Medina city did not stop agricultural activities, but also religious teachings of Islam concerning the matter of agriculture led these activities to develop and spread. But after the prophet's departure and affected by the conquests in era of the Caliphs, the rural economy and the matter of agriculture faced a new fate. In such era, we witness some kinds of change in Muslim rulers' approach towards the agriculture and rural sedentism. Concerns about decreasing Mujahids' numbers and the possibility of cessation of Jihad duty, led the new authority to keep people from agriculture and to stay in villages by encouraging them to settling down in cities and joining the group of Mujahids. Execution of encouraging policies regarding Arab's residence in cities and avoiding rural life and agriculture continued until the era of Umayyad Caliphs. But the Umayyads endeavored to adopt a new approach towards the agriculture by reconsidering the agricultural policies of the Caliphs' era. In fact, Arabs' miscegenation with local people and expansion of Islam among the inhabitants of conquered lands required a change of view to villages and agriculture and adopting a new approach in this field. This new approach the village should be considered a part of nation not outsiders. Therefore, we witness the advent of villages characterized by Islamic cities as general village. It shows the expansion of Islam, increase in the number of Muslims, inhabitation of many of Arabs in villages, and finally the necessity for changing the approach towards agriculture and villages. Henceforth, agriculture was not considered despicable but even accounted same as Jihad; something necessary and in order to be complementary to it.

 CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS:

 Although agriculture before the advent of Islam was common in some areas of Arabian Peninsula, the prophet's Bi'tha could be considered the origin of a new era of prosperity in this area of the Arabia. The prophet's instructions and divine teachings are of the most important Muslims' drives in paying attention to the matter of agriculture. Following the prophet's departure and the beginning of conquests, we witness a new approach in the field of farming and agriculture. From some of the Caliphs' point of view, Arabs' inhabitation in villages and farming decreased the number of Mujahids and distanced Arabs from their mission to spread Islam. So, encouraging Arabs to participate in conquests and to avoid inhabiting in villages and farming was the major outlook of this era, however with the beginning of the Umayyad rule we witness a change in the Umayyad Caliphs' outlook towards the agricultural economy. It seems such a change in approach was caused by the demands and transitions which happened during the occurrences of fifty years after the prophet's Bi'tha. The spread of Islam along with Arab Muslims associating with other nations and getting influenced by them, the increase in importance of agricultural economy in providing the livelihood of the Islamic community, and formation of general villages can be considered a part of these transitions which were effective in changing the Umayyad rulers' outlook towards the matter of agriculture.

The introduction of new social sciences to Iran commenced prior to the Constitutional Revolution, a period known as the Persian Constitutional Revolution, offering valuable insights into the current state of these disciplines. During this era, the writings of travelogues by certain individuals sparked an interest in the Western world, leading to a subsequent effort by a group of intellectuals to transplant European concepts into Iran. Notably, Mirza Agha Khan emerged as a prominent figure in this second group of intellectuals, actively engaged in the transfer of Western ideas. Among Mirza Agha Khan's notable works, "Takvin va Tashri" stands out, particularly due to the methodology applied when addressing economic subjects. In the realm of social sciences, methodology plays a pivotal role in the exploration of the laws governing human interactions. This study focuses on Mirza Agha Khan's approach to economic relationships, revealing that his method mirrors the perspectives of economists from the 18th and 19th centuries.

 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

This research method is rooted in the perspective of Ludwig von Mises ([1949] 1998). According to Mises, economic propositions are deduced through a process of deductive reasoning and fall into the category of a priori propositions. This concept centers on the extraction of knowledge from the actions that "we" as individuals undertake. In essence, every individual is considered an actor and, as such, can derive an a priori understanding of reality through introspection. This process is made feasible through the comprehension of what Mises termed "The axiom of action." This axiom posits that "human action is purposeful behavior." In other words, action represents the manifestation of a desire translated into practical behavior, guided by an intent or objective. Action denotes the meaningful response of an individual's "Ego" to stimuli and the environmental conditions surrounding them. It signifies a conscious adaptation to the state of the world, thereby determining the course of their life.

Adam Smith contends that the comprehension of previously unexplained phenomena can be a gratifying experience when employing certain fundamental principles. He suggests that, much like the Newtonian principles, if such principles and rules can be unearthed in the realm of human relationships, it becomes plausible to offer explanations. Mirza Agha Khan's initial statements in "Takvin va Tashri" resonate with the perspective of Adam Smith, which was a prevailing approach among economists up until the 19th century. In this context, Mirza Agha Khan's method of deciphering phenomena bears a striking resemblance to that generation of economists. This study adopts a similar method to scrutinize his viewpoints, drawing on the approach akin to that employed by Mirza Agha Khan.

In the initial sections of his work, Mirza Agha Khan engages in a discussion regarding the origins of political society. He presents a perspective that contrasts with Hobbes' view, asserting that the state of war, characterized by universal conflict, only arises after the establishment of a political society, effectively eliminating the secondary state of "fear" that results from individual dispersion. This perspective aligns closely with the ideas of John Locke, who posited that reason governs human beings from their very inception. Locke's concept of the law of nature, dictated by reason and binding all individuals equally, resonates with Mirza Agha Khan's views.As Mirza Agha Khan delves into the subject of trade following the formation of human society, he underscores its role in averting conflict. According to his perspective, the disappearance of equality among individuals within a society ushers in a state of war, as previously solitary and fearful individuals now seek to prevail over one another. Thus, trade serves as a crucial instrument in fostering peace and harmony and attracting general blessings. Mirza Agha Khan perceives trade as a significant factor in the formulation of both domestic and international laws. He emphasizes that the sustainability of trade between nations hinges on the stability of legal frameworks, both domestically and internationally. Notably, Mirza Agha Khan's analysis, in contrast to the economic thinking of the 18th and 19th centuries, shifts its focus from the individual to the collective as a whole. His perspective centers on the societal benefits of international trade, a deviation from the individualistic analysis prevalent in modern European thought, marking an important epistemological shift.

 CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS:

The Constitutional Movement in Iran marked a period during which Iranians were introduced to the concepts of the modern world. The movement prompted many individuals, both from the elite and intellectual circles, to seek knowledge about the ongoing transformations in Europe. Initially, this awareness was cultivated through travelogues, and later through the dedicated efforts of figures like Malkom Khan, Mirza Agha Khan Kermani, Mostashar al-Dowleh, and others.This research centers specifically on exploring the economic perspectives of Mirza Agha Khan Kermani. Mirza Agha Khan Kermani was chosen for this study because, among his contemporaries, he made a concerted effort to derive his economic views from fundamental principles and assumptions. This approach mirrors the thinking of European economists during the 18th and 19th centuries.A comparative analysis between his books "Takvin va Tashri" and "Sad Khutabe" reveals a noteworthy distinction in Mirza Agha Khan's standpoint. It is evident that while in the former book, the author sought to deduce conclusions from principles within the realm of social sciences, particularly economics, he adopted a different approach in the latter.This inconsistency highlights a significant aspect of Iranians' encounter with new European thought during the Constitutional era. Iranians had long been acquainted with Greek philosophy and Aristotle's ideas, upon which they had extensively reflected. One crucial aspect that seems to have been inadequately grasped during the encounter between modern Europe and Iran in this era is the transformation that occurred within modern European thought. In Mirza Agha Khan's perspective, the collective context takes precedence over the individual, aligning with Aristotle's ideas, whereas modern European thought prioritizes individualism. Consequently, the potential transition from personal interest to collective welfare, a vital aspect of Adam Smith's thinking, is absent in Mirza Agha Khan's viewpoint.

In democratic political systems, a fundamental objective is to encourage broad societal participation, particularly among pivotal stakeholders such as marketers and economic classes that wield significant influence within the societal economic framework.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

Non-uniformity and limited participation among the populace in society often result from dissonance with the governing system and opposition to its objectives and plans. Fostering consensus and bolstering political engagement necessitates a thorough examination of barriers and challenges associated with non-participation. By addressing these obstacles and creating opportunities for increased civic involvement, democratic societies can facilitate the vital political participation of their citizens. The engagement of people within any society is a cornerstone in the pursuit of democracy and development, serving as a dual imperative within democratic systems.

This research endeavors to conduct a sociological investigation into the stance of marketers regarding political participation during the period of moderation, notably the 8-year term of Hassan Rouhani's presidency. The study employs a grounded theory approach to elucidate the marketers' disposition toward political participation. Data for this research is sourced from 16 semi-structured interviews, with participant selection being purposefully drawn from Tehran's bazaars, and the sample size was determined based on achieving data saturation. Data analysis involved a systematic coding process where data was deconstructed and subsequently interrelated. In the course of this research, a total of 837 raw data points yielded 387 primary data concepts, culminating in the identification of 58 subcategories and 17 overarching categories.

The study delineates two distinctive approaches to political participation. The positive participatory approach characterizes a scenario where individuals harbor trust and optimism regarding favorable changes in the economic and political systems of society. In this context, they actively engage in the pursuit of these transformations through social and political partnerships. Conversely, the negative participatory approach emerges in situations where individuals lack trust and hope for constructive changes within the economic and political framework of society. In this perspective, they do not perceive their personal participation or non-participation as contributing positively to the betterment of their political, social, and economic circumstances. This approach embodies a broad spectrum of perspectives and lived experiences of the interviewees and reflects a palpable erosion of trust between the populace and the government, which has developed and deepened over the years. The research findings highlight that the propensity for a positive participatory approach is influenced by decisive agency and a sense of social commitment. Conversely, the negative participatory approach is attributed to political timidity and a prevailing feeling of powerlessness. The economic conditions and well-being of participants, as well as a perceived democratic environment, act as intervening factors in shaping their positive disposition toward participation. Conversely, those who harbor a pessimistic stance toward participation cite the non-democratic social environment and a flawed political-economic management as intervening factors reinforcing their negative outlook. Participants who adopt a positive participatory approach envision the political and economic future of their country as amenable to rationality and populism, indicating an anticipated shift toward the satisfaction of the people and increased political and social openness both domestically and internationally. In contrast, individuals subscribing to a negative participatory approach perceive themselves as passive and impotent in the face of external influence, participation, commentary, and opinion. They do not consider their actions as bearing any meaningful impact on the present or future trajectory of the political, economic, and social landscape.

 CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS:

Marketers exhibiting a negative participatory approach lack trust, conviction, and optimism regarding favorable developments and changes within the economic-political landscape of society. This segment of marketers does not view their own political participation or the participation of fellow citizens as influential in altering the political-economic conditions of society. In contrast, participants who embrace a positive participatory approach are motivated by their constructive outlook and expectation of positive transformations within the political and social domain of the country, guided by public engagement. Despite past adversities, they maintain a belief that the most fundamental and pragmatic route to ameliorating the country's current situation lies in collaborative and empathetic relations between leaders and the populace. According to these participants with a positive participatory approach, the political structure of the country hinges on the trust and determination of the people.

Government, serving as the primary institution responsible for education, plays a pivotal role in ensuring universal educational access, enhancing educational quality, formulating regional and national programs, and continuously monitoring the educational process. The government's profound influence on the country's educational and training infrastructure underscores its direct impact on social and economic development. Government expenditure in the education sector constitutes a fundamental driver of a nation's human capital development and exerts significant influence on human development indices. These allocations encompass various facets of education, including teacher salaries, educational resources, school and university establishment and renovation, educational programs, and scientific research. Amid budgetary constraints in the education sector, a pressing question emerges: how to judiciously allocate this limited budget among different segments. Consequently, this article delves into an examination of this issue, scrutinizes various categories of government expenditures in the education sector, and assesses their explanatory influence on Human Development Index (HDI) behavior.

This study employs two regression models to fulfill its research objectives. The first model scrutinizes the relationship between variables associated with government expenditures in the education sector and the Human Development Index (HDI) within member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), representing developed and advanced nations. The second model explores the correlation between government education expenditures and the Human Development Index in the context of Iran, a developing country. The variables considered in this study encompass the Human Development Index (HDI), per capita government expenditure on primary education (pri_per), allocated expenditure for secondary education (sec), per capita government expenditure on secondary education (sec_per), per capita government expenditure on tertiary education (ter_per), per capita national income (gdp_cap), and government educational expenditure (GEE). Data related to the Human Development Index is sourced from the United Nations Development Programme, while data pertaining to governmentexpenditures in the education sector is obtained from the World Bank.

The research findings unveil a nuanced relationship between government expenditure in education and the Human Development Index (HDI) in the case of OECD countries. Broadly, government spending within the education sector exerts an overall positive impact on the HDI. This outcome underscores the pivotal role of education investment in fostering human development. Nevertheless, a closer inspection reveals an intriguing pattern: when government spending is examined separately per student across primary, secondary, and tertiary education levels, a counterintuitive adverse influence on the HDI emerges in these OECD nations. This discovery implies that although higher budget allocations to education at a macro level are advantageous, it is imperative to refine spending strategies to optimize fund distribution among diverse educational stages. In stark contrast, the findings pertaining to Iran present a divergent scenario. Here, overall government education spending demonstrates an adverse impact on the Human Development Index. This outcome emphasizes the necessity for a meticulous reassessment of budget allocation and education policies within the Iranian context.

The complexity of the relationship between government spending in education and human development is prominently underscored by these findings, underscoring the paramount need for tailored policies that consider specific national circumstances. In the context of OECD countries, augmenting the Human Development Index necessitates not only heightened financial investment in education but also a meticulous approach to resource allocation that takes into account diverse education levels. Conversely, in the Iranian context, the imperative is a more strategic and efficient resource allocation to enhance the Human Development Index. This highlights the essential requirement for adaptive policy approaches to optimize human development within the unique dynamics of each nation.

Governments play a pivotal role in shaping the course of education, thereby influencing human development. As a consequence, they face the delicate task of allocating finite resources to various educational sectors with precision. Education systems share this responsibility, optimizing budgets to achieve their educational objectives effectively. In a world characterized by budgetary constraints and fiscal challenges, these findings underscore the paramount importance of deliberate and strategic investments in education. Such investments contribute not only to the betterment of society but also to the advancement of human development as a whole.

The discourse surrounding the impact of heightened uncertainty on economic activity at the macroeconomic level is not a novel discussion. Investors tend to delay their investment decisions in situations where the likelihood of obtaining a return on investment is low, opting to wait until additional information becomes accessible. The acceptance of high risk is necessary to engage in economic activities due to the low likelihood of capital return. The effect of political context on economic activities constitutes a significant determinant of economic growth, exerting multifaceted impacts on the overall economy. Political uncertainty can be conceptualized as the state of unpredictability surrounding governmental plans, policies, and economic programs. In this situation, economic stakeholders perceive a lack of discernible prospects, which may result in a cessation of investment or the withdrawal of investors from the market. Political uncertainty indicators can be categorized into two distinct groups: informal political uncertainty, which encompasses factors like terrorism, guerrilla warfare, and strikes, and official political uncertainty, which includes events such as legal elections and changes in the composition of cabinets.The dismissal of cabinet members or factions in Iran does not serve as an appropriate indicator for assessing political uncertainty. Furthermore, they assert that indicators such as urban riots, revolutions, and military coups are also inadequate for evaluating the level of uncertainty in Iran. According to Article 113 of the Constitution, the President assumes the foremost position of authority within the nation, second only to the leadership role, and bears the responsibility of ensuring the effective enforcement of the Constitution. The possible effects of changes after the presidential election may affect the behavior of investors by changing investment risk. Both individual and institutional investors, such as banks, allocate their financial resources to companies through the purchase of shares or the provision of loans and facilities, with the expectation of receiving interest in return. The anticipated financial interest of these investors is regarded as the company's cost of capital. The objective of this study is to examine the potential impact of governmental transitions and presidential elections, as the primary executive power in a nation, on the cost of capital for companies.

The statistical population under investigation encompasses all companies that were granted admission to the Tehran Stock Exchange between 2005 and 2020. Presidential elections were conducted in 2005, 2009, 2013, and 2017 in Iran, which are widely acknowledged as periods characterized by political uncertainty. The data of the chosen companies were gathered by consulting the financial statements, explanatory notes, weekly and monthly reports from the stock exchange, and the official website of the Tehran Stock Exchange.The dependent variable in this study pertains to the cost of company capital, which is assessed by segregating it into two distinct components: the cost of equity capital and the cost of debt capital. The research focuses on the dependent variable of political uncertainty. A dummy variable was employed, with a value of one assigned to presidential election years and a value of zero assigned to non-election years. The control variables of this research study include sales growth, financial leverage, company size, return on assets, company life, and the ratio of market value to the book value of assets.

The results of the Im-Pesaran-Shin (IPS) test demonstrated the reliability of the variables, while the F statistic provided evidence for the presence of panel data. Additionally, the Hausman test was employed to ascertain whether a fixed or random effects model was appropriate. The initial hypothesis test, conducted using the fixed effects model and employing the generalized least squares method, yielded results indicating that the variable of political uncertainty possesses a significance level below 0.05. the findings suggested that political uncertainty exerts a statistically significant impact on the cost associated with providing capital through equity. Moreover, during the years in which presidential elections are conducted, there is an observed escalation in the cost of equity capital. The results of the second hypothesis model test, employing the random effects model and the generalized least squares method, indicated that the p-value associated with the political uncertainty variable exceeds 0.05. This suggests that the observed political uncertainty resulting from the presidential election does not exhibit a statistically significant association with the cost of debt financing.

The influence of political context on economic activities is a significant determinant of macroeconomic instability and investment risk. As risk levels rise, it is anticipated that investors will experience a corresponding increase in expected returns. Consequently, companies will also face an escalation in their cost of capital. The findings of the study indicate that during periods characterized by political instability, there was a notable increase in the cost of financing companies through equity. However, no significant difference was observed in the cost of debt capital. The rise in the expense of equity capital leads to an elevation in the mean cost of capital for the company, thereby suggesting a positive and substantial correlation between political instability and the cost of capital for the company. During presidential election years, there is a notable rise in equity capital, resulting in a higher imposition of capital costs on companies compared to non-election years. This increase in the average cost of capital adversely impacts the performance of the company. However, the cost of financing through debt remains consistent across both election and non-election years. The augmentation of capital through equity should be conducted during non-presidential election years, while the acquisition of fresh financial resources during election years should be facilitated through borrowing. When generalizing the findings of this study, it is important to take into account the impact of the relatively high annual inflation observed during the research period, as well as the consequences of international sanctions and the subsequent two-year phase of their removal.

The study investigates the intellectual and social foundations of managing society, with a specific focus on the role of women, and how these foundations have evolved over the four decades following the Islamic revolution in Iran. During this period, the demands and efforts of Iranian women in terms of employment and improving their economic status have undergone significant transformations. The importance of women's employment and their participation in various spheres as a means of generating income outside the family structure has allowed women to break away from traditional sources of authority. This shift has also provided women with a mediating role through which they assess themselves and their surrounding environment. While the broad outlines of economic policies have been outlined in long-term strategic documents over the past four decades, there have been various instances where governments have made substantial changes to previous policies in response to the evolving demands of the population. The study aims to address the question of which factors have influenced the changes in women's economic status and the direction in which these changes have occurred, considering the fluctuating trends in women's status and economic conditions since the Islamic revolution in Iran.

Method and theoretical framework:

The authors of this study have employed Anthony Giddens' theoretical framework of structuration, aimed at transcending the dichotomy of structure and agency, in order to explore the evolution of women's economic and occupational status within the context of a dynamic and historical process involving the political structure and the female community. Giddens' structuration theory focuses on establishing logical connections between structure and agency. He seeks to develop a theory that effectively integrates the importance of structures, which are essential for social and political interactions, with a recognition of the will, adaptability, autonomy, and agency of individual actors. According to this framework, the production and reproduction of society is the result of skillful actions by social actors. These actors construct structures, but they do not do so entirely by choice; instead, their actions are influenced by the status and circumstances they directly encounter, as well as by the historical legacies passed down to them. Therefore, Giddens conceptualizes the relationship between structure and agency as an ongoing and dynamic historical process. By adopting the theoretical framework of Giddens' structuration, the study underscores the significance of interactions between two essential components: the human element (represented by women) and the structural factors (such as the economy and politics). This framework offers valuable insights into a deeper understanding of the developments in this particular period of Iran's history.

During and after the Islamic revolution and the Iran-Iraq war, Iranian women received encouragement from political leaders to participate in the public sphere and contribute to solving societal issues. However, their involvement was challenged by gender segregation policies and laws that restricted women's participation. In response to these structural limitations, women took proactive steps to overcome these barriers and began influencing economic policies as informed agents. Over time and in subsequent periods, they managed to change opposing views in their favor. Notably, during the Iran-Iraq war, women played significant roles and effectively convinced many opponents of their presence in the public sphere. Following the war, the Iranian government recognized the need to rebuild the economy and realized that changes in collective models and the reduction of barriers obstructing women's participation were essential. This required creating a conducive environment for women's presence in society and their active involvement in the reconstruction of Iran. The government led by Hashemi (commonly referred to as the "constructive government") made efforts to empower, train, and employ women, particularly in specialized, managerial, and entrepreneurial roles.Subsequently, during the tenure of the reformist government, it was acknowledged that the unsatisfactory status of women resulted from structural limitations and the lack of agency. The government identified issues such as low self-confidence, self-esteem, and theprevailing culture of masculism as significant problems. In response, it developed a master plan to empower women, support their rights, and promote "gender justice," especially in terms of employment.With Ahmadinejad's presidency, there was a shift toward promoting an Islamic state and reinforcing religious values in society. He believed that women, by excelling in their roles as daughters, wives, mothers, and sisters, could exert influence over the entire world and society. Although the third and fourth development plans aimed to encourage women's participation in the public sphere while acknowledging their important roles in the family, the fifth development plan linked women's development to their family roles and, to some extent, diminished provisions related to their participation, equal opportunities, employment, and civil institutions that were previously considered in the third and fourth plans.When the moderate government, led by Hassan Rouhani, came to power, it adopted a similar approach to the constructive and reformist governments regarding women's employment. This government emphasized strengthening women's status, treating their scientific, research, political, social, and economic talents equally, and addressing women's economic concerns in the sixth development plan. It also focused on sustainable employment for women and worked to reduce their unemployment, especially among educated women.

Drawing from Giddens' theory of structuration, this study elucidated that the changes and advancements in women's economic and occupational status were the results of a dynamic and historical process occurring between the political structure and the women's community. Within this dialectical process, the women's community acquired knowledge influenced by structural decisions, and this knowledge played a vital role in reproducing suitable structures conducive to the enhancement of women's employment status.The trajectory of these changes signifies a reduction in the gender gap and an increase in women's utilization of their human and citizenship rights. As a result, it is recommended that women's fundamental human rights be incorporated into decisions and macro-policies to mitigate the financial and emotional costs associated with their protests.

Herbert Marcuse, a preeminent political philosopher of the 20th century, left an indelible mark on social theories. Shaped by the harrowing aftermath of the First World War, he became acutely aware of issues surrounding violence and humanitarian concerns, including the burgeoning awareness of environmental issues. Marcuse's distinctive contribution lies in his fusion of phenomenology and social philosophy, a synthesis that illuminates his analysis. Upon emigrating to the United States, the conflagration of the Second World War significantly influenced his intellectual evolution. It led him to scrutinize the technology-driven, consumer-centric American society through the lens of technological and instrumental rationality, a concept initially expounded by Max Weber decades earlier. In Marcuse's perspective, technological rationality serves as a yardstick for evaluating individual rationality. He posits that both people and their society are subjugated and manipulated by technology, which not only supplants human efforts across industries but permeates all aspects of life. Consequently, instrumental rationality, technological rationality, their interplay with culture, and the intricate connections that society and culture establish through instrumental rationality constitute the focal points of analysis within the culture industry (German: Kulturindustrie), a pivotal concept for Marcuse and other luminaries of the Frankfurt School. This study delves into Marcuse's viewpoints and theories regarding the repercussions of instrumental rationality in culture and human existence, which he coins as the "logos of life." It also seeks to dissect his critique of the culture industry, rooted in the notion of technological domination, heavily influenced by Martin Heidegger's insights. Lastly, the study investigates the impact of Sigmund Freud's concept of desire in Marcuse's articulation of technological rationality and its interaction with contemporary culture.

Theoretical framework:

Herbert Marcuse posits that reason operates through universal concepts, serving as the framework for organizing the boundless flow of human experience into a coherent and intelligible world. However, he acknowledges a longstanding philosophical insight dating back to Plato, which recognizes the inherent incompleteness in the ordering function of reason. Philosophers have thus sought to identify and elucidate the specific nature of this incompleteness. According to Marcuse, concepts cannot be entirely reduced to particular instances. They possess a transcendent quality that is perceived by the experiencing subject as a sense of imperfection or incompleteness. Therefore, he attributes this aspect to the realm of imagination rather than immediate perception, contending that only the imagination possesses the capacity to project beyond the given reality towards an ideal form. In Marcuse's framework, the imagination assumes a crucial role in rationality by directing the subject towards an existing, albeit unrealized, dimension of the experiential world. Drawing upon Hegelian terminology, he views the tension between the real and the ideal as the essence of the negative. Consequently, the imagination is both a psychological faculty and a wellspring of creative insights into reality. By ascribing a cognitive function to the imagination, Marcuse establishes a connection between ontology and psychology, rooted in Sigmund Freud's theory of the imagination, a link he endeavors to develop further in his work, "Eros and Civilization."

Data collection for this study relied on an extensive library research and indexing process. Initially, a comprehensive selection of sources was identified, encompassing a wide array of published materials such as books, encyclopedias, dictionaries, periodicals, available journal articles in both Persian and English, compilations of papers from scholarly conferences, and documents indexed in Iranian and foreign databases. These sources were then meticulously examined to extract and index the essential information, ensuring precise source attribution. Subsequently, the amassed data were systematically categorized according to a logical framework and subjected to thorough analysis. 

Herbert Marcuse contends that art stands as one of the most pivotal means for human liberation and emancipation from the culture industry, a concept inherently entwined with his "logos of life." In Marcuse's lexicon, "logos" pertains to the experiential world, encompassing the realities and the inherent value potentials that propel its historical evolution. Within this construct of logos, a normative principle, an "ought," transcends the realm of existing facts. Marcuse elucidates this interplay between the "is" and the "ought" through the concept of a two-dimensional ontology: the first dimension encapsulates empirical facts, while the second dimension encompasses the evaluative realm of potentialities. Scientific-technical rationality, as posited by Marcuse, strips the experiential world of many of its contents, notably the secondary qualities. In response, he repudiates this "one-dimensional" ontology and posits that the experiential world, as understood through phenomenology, brims with rich content that is often overlooked and indeed diminished by scientific methodologies. Furthermore, this perspective bridges the chasm between values and facts. Marcuse argues that humanity's connection to the world is forged through interaction with nature and production, a profound affiliation that is not solely causal and material but also existential in nature. It endows human existence with meaning and delineates what it signifies to be human, fostering participation in a distinct mode of being—a cultural heritage to which liberated individuals return.

Conclusion and recommendations:

Herbert Marcuse posits that technological rationality, a form of rationality rooted in domination and social control, exerts profound dominance in advanced industrial societies. This type of rationality, based on formal and instrumental principles, supersedes the more intrinsic and evaluative forms of reason that once characterized pre-industrial societies. It transforms the fabric of everyday life into what Marcuse terms a "technological reality," wherein individuals' perceptions, experiences, and thoughts are profoundly intertwined with the portrayal of objects and elements of the natural world as instruments or means to an end. To counter this situation, Marcuse introduces the concept of the "Great Refusal" and underscores the vital importance of resistance as a means to reconnect with the inherent value of one's existence. Life, in his view, necessitates a return to the fundamental tenets of human liberation, unveiling the immense potential latent in each individual. This entails departing from the shallowness of the consumer-oriented modern lifestyle, as it represents a life detached from false needs, in stark contrast to the artificial existence perpetuated by the culture industry.

Economic and political convergence within a region offers numerous advantages to the constituent countries of that region. Given Iran's imperative need to bolster its trade relationships with other nations as a strategy to mitigate the economic sanctions it faces, this study places paramount significance on exploring the feasibility of enhancing Iran's economic convergence with the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). Situated at the crossroads of Asia and Europe, and historically associated with the Silk Road, this organization was established in 1992. The primary aim of BSEC is to foster cooperation among its 13 founding member countries, namely Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, North Macedonia, Russia, Romania, Serbia, Turkey, and Ukraine. The overarching goal is to promote peace, stability, and prosperity within the Black Sea region. To date, the Islamic Republic of Iran has engaged with the aforementioned organization in the capacity of a Sectoral Dialogue Partner (SDP). Collaboration between Iran and BSEC has encompassed a wide spectrum of domains, including but not limited to transportation, agriculture and related industries, banking and finance, combatting organized crime, culture, customs affairs, education, emergency aid, energy, environmental protection, statistical data and information exchange, healthcare and the pharmaceutical industry, information and communication technologies, organizational rejuvenation and good governance, science and technology, small and medium industries, tourism, trade, and economic development. Furthermore, several specialized working groups have been established to facilitate and oversee these collaborative efforts.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

The theoretical framework underpinning research concerning economic convergence finds its roots in the theory of customs unions. Esteemed economists such as Viner (1950) and Meade (1955) have made significant contributions to the development of this theoretical domain. Advocates of the theory of economic convergence contend that it offers a pathway for less developed nations to harness the benefits of larger markets and to attain economies of scale, thereby mitigating the constraints imposed by the limited size of their domestic economies. Furthermore, proponents of the economic convergence theory posit that, through this approach, smaller nations can bolster their standing within the global economy and enhance their appeal for attracting foreign and international capital investments.

METHODOLOGY:

To fulfill the objectives of this research, data spanning the period from 2010 to 2021 was gathered from authoritative sources including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the International Trade Center. Subsequently, the collected data underwent analysis utilizing the gravity model, with the STATA software serving as the analytical tool. Notably, in the 1960s, seminal work conducted by Tinbergen and Poyhonen marked the early application of the gravity model for the examination of international trade flows. Since that time, the gravity model has evolved into a widely adopted tool in the realm of international economic studies. Numerous researchers have employed this model to explore trade dynamics between nations. It is worth emphasizing that the utility of the gravity model extends beyond the analysis of trade patterns; it is also instrumental in the examination of regionalism. In essence, this model functions as a versatile tool, capable of simulating potential trade relationships within any form of integration program involving groups of nations.

The results of the analysis have revealed that certain categories of goods, identified by their two-digit customs tariff codes, hold particular promise for the development of trade relations between Iran and the countries in question. These preferred groupings are as follows: "27: Mineral fuels, mineral oils and products of their distillation; bituminous substances; mineral waxes," "72: Iron and steel," "39: Plastics and articles thereof," "29: Organic chemicals," "08: Edible fruit and nuts; peel of citrus fruit or melons," "74: Copper and articles thereof," "76: Aluminum and articles thereof," and "84: Machinery, mechanical appliances, nuclear reactors; parts thereof," in respective order. Moreover, the findings highlight that economic integration between Iran and the BSEC countries exerts a positive influence on the overall trade volume originating from Iran and destined for BSEC nations. Specifically, it is observed that a one-unit increase in economic integration between Iran and the BSEC countries leads to a corresponding 0.24 unit increase in the total trade volume between Iran and the countries within the BSEC framework. Consequently, it is deduced that fostering economic integration between Iran and the BSEC countries is a viable prospect, one that is poised to yield an upsurge in the volume of trade between Iran and the aforementioned countries.

 CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS:

Based on the research findings, it is recommended that policymakers take proactive measures to enhance economic convergence between Iran and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC) as a strategy to mitigate the impacts of economic sanctions. This recommendation is underscored by the strategic importance of the Black Sea region, given its unique position at the crossroads of Asia and Europe, historically associated with the Silk Road. However, it is essential to acknowledge that the Black Sea basin is one of the most heterogeneous and intricate regions globally. This geographic area encompasses countries that exhibit substantial political, economic, military, cultural, and religious diversity. Consequently, any collaborative endeavors between Iran and the member nations of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) should be structured and adapted to account for these multifaceted and dynamic conditions and components.

Rare earth elements (REEs) play a crucial role in modern technology, making them essential components of various high-tech products, including electronics, electric vehicles, and military applications. While the quantity of REEs in each device might be small, their unique properties are irreplaceable, and they are vital for the proper functioning of these technologies. The growing use of REEs in advanced applications, combined with the establishment of international trade agreements in this sector, has led to increasing global competition in the rare earth elements market. China has emerged as a leader in the REE industry, a position it has held since the mid-1980s when it began to gradually dominate the world market. As demand for these elements continues to surge, the limited availability of extractable reserves has become a concern. Changes in consumer preferences worldwide, particularly the shift towards high-tech, environmentally-friendly products, have driven this growing demand. The increase in demand has had a profound impact on countries that control the production and market for rare earth elements, as they gain significant influence in the international political and economic arena.The central question explored in this research is the geopolitical consequences of China's near-monopoly in the international rare earth elements market. Given the indispensability of these elements in various industries, including electronics, medical technologies, telecommunications, and defense, their control has far-reaching implications. A country that manages to monopolize the rare earth elements market can wield substantial influence over global politics and the international political economy. This paper aims to investigate the geopolitical outcomes resulting from China's dominance in the international rare earth elements market.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

The concept of the geopolitics of natural resources is employed in this research to elucidate China's hegemony and its exclusive position in the international market for rare earth elements. Geopolitics involves examining how a country's unique geographical attributes impact its power dynamics and influence on the global stage. Among these geographical elements, natural and mineral resources are of paramount significance. Governments strive to manipulate and control the supply and demand chains within strategic markets to shape the structure of these markets, including those related to strategic resources, in alignment with their political and economic objectives.

The paper will utilize a descriptive-analytic methodology to address the research question and expound on the influence of rare earth elements on China's political, economic, and military power in global politics. This methodology involves the use of both current and historical data to discern patterns and relationships between the variables associated with the research question or hypotheses. It is a method employed to provide a comprehensive and analytical examination of the subject matter.

The research findings indicate that China's relative monopoly and comparative advantage in the production and supply of rare earth resources have evolved into a geopolitical asset, with implications for its economic, political, and military power in relation to major rivals like the United States. In essence, China's geopolitical control of rare earth elements has translated into advantages across economic, political, and military dimensions vis-a-vis its formidable competitors. Despite efforts by other governments to counter China's monopoly, these endeavors have not yielded substantial success thus far. Given China's long-term strategic plans, it is anticipated that Beijing will likely maintain its monopoly on these resources at least until the year 2050.

 CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS:

To summarize, the key findings of this research on the political and geopolitical consequences of China's relative monopoly on rare earth elements include:Price Determination: China's control over rare earth elements allows it to influence the prices of these elements, giving it a strategic advantage in the global market.Dependence and Vulnerability: Other countries, particularly the United States, become dependent on China for these critical resources, making them vulnerable to China's policies and potentially subject to supply disruptions.Bargaining Power of Chinese Companies: Chinese companies gain significant bargaining power in industries dependent on rare earth elements, enhancing China's economic influence.Impact on Employment: China's control affects employment rates in Western countries and elsewhere as industries relying on rare earth elements may face challenges due to supply issues.These developments collectively contribute to an increase in China's power position compared to competitors like the United States, Japan, and the European Union. Given Iran's substantial reserves of rare earth elements, there is potential for these resources to serve as a diplomatic tool in foreign policy, bolstering Tehran's bargaining power in the international economic arena and potentially influencing discussions related to U.S. sanctions against Iran.

Regional arrangements and the outcomes of economic convergence among countries are currently subjects of interest for both major powers and developing emerging industrial economies. The benefits arising from regionalism have necessitated developing countries to experience a new level of international relations under regional convergences. Regionalism in Iran's vicinity has had the weakest possible results compared to Europe, America and Southeast Asia. In this region, two long-standing regionalism institutions (ECO and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council) and new ones (the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union) have been formed during the first steps. The importance of regionalism in the realization of development goals has created this necessity for Iran to make decisions and choose with a pragmatic view on priorities and strategic results of cooperation with active blocks in the region. In this article, an attempt has been made to use the theoretical framework of "regionalism" and convergences under economic integration in response to the question that from the beginning of the formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union until now, during the years 2000 to 2019, the "homogeneity and congruence of macroeconomic indicators" and "convergence of intra- and extra-regional trade" has been achieved better in which of these two regional institutions?, this hypothesis is proposed that "despite the non-economic goals of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization compared to the purely economic goals of the Eurasian Economic Union, economic homogeneity and commercial convergence have been achieved better in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization than in the Eurasian Economic Union".

Theoretical framework:

Economic integration is a type of trade policy that leads to the reduction or elimination of discriminatory trade restrictions among member countries. The effects of partial and static equilibrium of unions can be measured in terms of trade creation or trade diversion. Additionally, a Trade-Creating Customs Union (TCCU) can lead to an increase in the welfare of non-members. A Trade Diverting Customs Union (TDCU) might result in trade creation or trade diversion, and the ultimate outcome depends on the relative strength of these opposing forces. Customs union theory is a specific case of the second-best Theory. According to this theory, when all necessary conditions for achieving maximum social welfare or Pareto optimality are not satisfied, the pursuit of these conditions will not necessarily or usually lead to the second-best. In other words, in the absence of the necessary conditions for achieving Pareto optimality, the second-best choice is not necessarily the most desirable choice given the existing conditions. The conditions under which a union is formed will likely theoretically result in trade creation and increased welfare. Other static effects of a union include reductions in transaction costs and increased bargaining power of members. Nevertheless, the impact of the union on the exchange relationship among members is uncertain. In addition to static welfare benefits, countries establish unions due to other dynamic benefits such as increased competition, economies of scale, investment incentives, and more efficient utilization of economic benefits. Despite significant efforts made by developing countries for economic integration, they have achieved limited successes.The investigations carried out in this study can be considered in two dimensions, and following this consideration, the existing theoretical findings can be utilized. On the one hand, the identification of the Eurasian Economic Union as an example of a regional block is achieved based on the theories of individuals such as Rost, Deutsch, and Thompson, emphasizing shared geographical and cultural dimensions. On the other hand, according to perspectives like those of Katzenstein and Solingen, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is defined as a regional block in political terms, regardless of the geographical proximity of its member countries, and it receives attention. Beyond the superficial definitions of the concept of a region, this research also focuses on a functional perspective of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. In this regard, the study takes into account the opinions of individuals such as Munakata, Bhagwati, and Krugman to examine the enhancement of economic integration in the region and the effectiveness of trade arrangements in the path of economic convergence and trade homogenization within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union. The research aims to evaluate these aspects to determine the optimal position for Iran and the priority in cooperation with these two regional blocks.

The effectiveness of the intended trade arrangements, namely the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, has been explored using a comparative content analysis method, focusing on two indices: trade intensity and economic convergence.

The results focusing on economic homogeneity and convergence and evaluating the efficiency and trade convergence within and beyond these two regional institutions, with an emphasis on Iran's trade during the years 2019-2000, indicated that for both institutions, economic homogeneity and convergence have not been significantly affected by regionalism. However, the efficiency of trade convergence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has been more tangible and meaningful than in the Eurasian Economic Union. Additionally, the economy, trade, and foreign investment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have been 8.1, 6.7, and 6.2 times larger, respectively, compared to the Eurasian Economic Union.

Conclusions and Suggestions:

During the long-term period under study, particularly in the 2010s, Iran's trade development has experienced a weak, unbalanced, and declining performance. Even Iran's regionalism development with both regional institutions has not significantly impacted the country's trade development. Therefore, it is essential to redefine and implement fundamental and comprehensive developmental measures and policies in the path of economic growth and trade development. To promote intra and interregional trade in Iran, the following policy measures, derived from the research focal points, are suggested: First, major policy reforms should focus on stabilizing Iran's macroeconomic environment through sustainable and comprehensive growth, risk reduction, inflation control, and managing non-economic fluctuations. Second, trade policy reforms should aim at removing non-tariff trade barriers and achieving stability while rationalizing customs tariffs. Third, the identification of natural trading partners within and beyond Iran (potential and actual trading partners in stable and dynamic conditions, aligned with the long-term prospects of sustainable and comprehensive trade development, especially in developing export-oriented industries, knowledge-based industries, and efficient border trade) should be emphasized in the country's trade development. Finally, structural transformations should be pursued, with a focus on enhancing relative and competitive advantages, centered around industrialization and the development of various services, including tourism.

Preface:

Over the past four decades, particularly between 1978 and 2015, China has experienced impressive and consistent economic growth, with an average annual growth rate of 9.8%. This remarkable economic expansion has catapulted China to the position of the second-largest economy in the world. Notably, China's poverty reduction program has been one of the swiftest and most successful in human history.China has utilized various strategies to realize its goal of becoming a major economic power, with foreign aid playing a significant role in this endeavor. Today, China stands as the world's second-largest donor nation after the United States. In this context, China's foreign aid program has undergone substantial changes, both in terms of quantity and quality, especially since the start of the new millennium in 2000. These changes have garnered attention from the international community.As part of its broader strategy to bolster and maximize its economic influence on a global scale, China has introduced and implemented a diverse array of foreign aid strategies and initiatives. This article aims to explore the relationship between the expansion of China's foreign aid programs and its ascent to economic power. Specifically, the research question revolves around how China's foreign aid program, spanning from 2000 to 2021, has influenced the country's rise as a major player in the international economy. The hypothesis suggests that during these years, China strategically employed foreign aid as a tool to align with its economic ascent, both in bilateral and multilateral contexts and in shaping the international order. This was achieved through the quantitative expansion of foreign aid and the application of innovative methods.

This study employs precise indicators and the descriptive-explanatory method to illustrate how China leverages its foreign aid program to enhance its economic influence in the domains of bilateral and multilateral relations, as well as in shaping the international order.

This essay has aimed to provide a comprehensive account of the qualitative and quantitative aspects of China's foreign aid programs. It has also sought to elucidate the link between the expansion of China's foreign aid initiatives and its increasing global influence by utilizing indicators derived from the research's theoretical model.To test the hypothesis, the realist approach to foreign aid was adopted as the theoretical framework. This perspective aligns foreign aid with the objectives of aid donors, who seek to enhance their influence through aid provision. In this context, China's aid programs are viewed as a means to expand its economic sway. Different definitions of aid were presented, highlighting China's distinctive definition as an emerging donor, which deviates from the traditional donordefinitions.This definition, combined with the realist approach, served as the foundation for analysis, alongside the indicators outlined in Figure 1.The indicators demonstrate that China is actively pursuing power expansion in both bilateral and multilateral relations and international order-related spheres. China provides bilateral and multilateral aid with the goals of fostering increased trade, mitigating unemployment,promoting international use of the Chinese currency, securing access to energy resources, and accessing the consumer markets of recipient countries.In the realm of international order, China's aid efforts are geared toward establishing economic supply chains, creating institutions in the financial and commercial sectors, and advocating for its development model. These objectives are elucidated in Figure 2. This distinction represents an innovative aspect of the present research.

To substantiate the assertion and support the research hypothesis, the author furnished instances of both bilateral and multilateral objectives, as well as international order objectives. In contrast to China's self-proclaimed intentions, the empirical evidence presented in this thesis corroborates the conclusion that China's foreign aid is primarily directed towards bolstering its influence in the specified domains, rather than solely focusing on addressing the recipient's needs.

Sanctions are a component of the dominant diplomacy in the contemporary world. In fact, the different countries employ sanctions as a means to advance their interests in foreign policy. The United States of America has consistently used sanctions as a method of addressing countries that do not align with its interests. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Venezuela are among the countries sanctioned by the US. Since the onset of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, the United States has sanctioned Tehran, citing various reasons such as the alleged support for terrorism, violation of human rights, and attempts at acquiring weapons of mass destruction. After years of negotiations and diplomacy between Iran and the world powers, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was finally signed in 2015. As a result, some US sanctions against Iran were lifted. However, following Donald Trump’s election as the president of the US and his withdrawal from the JCPOA, an order was issued on May 8, 2018 to re-impose sanctions against Iran.Another country under the US sanctions is Venezuela. In fact, the US sanctions against Venezuela began during the presidency of Hugo Chávez and intensified in 2014 with the allegations of corruption and misuse of Venezuelan financial resources. With the election of Nicolás Maduro as the president of Venezuela in 2018 and the beginning of protests against his way of governing the country, the US stepped up its sanctions against this South American country. Donald Trump, who had previously declared his support for Maduro's protesters, attempted to impose restrictions on Maduro’s administration in the political, economic, and social spheres by issuing sanction orders, bills, and laws. The simultaneous imposition of sanctions against Iran and Venezuela raised the following questions: What are the similarities and differences between the sanctions imposed on these two states? Additionally, what impacts have these sanctions had on their economies?

 Theoretical Framework:

Sanctions are classified as limited, moderate, or extensive actions based on their scope and as economic or non-economic decisions in terms of content. Sanction theorists frequently assess the economic impacts of sanctions within the realm of macroeconomic indicators, which encompass factors such as inflation and currency rates, export and import rates, economic growth, unemployment and employment rates, and other significant economic indicators. Furthermore, sanctions can have non-economic impacts on the target country, directly and indirectly affecting its cultural, political, and social values. This study analyzes the economic impacts of the sanctions imposed on Iran and Venezuela with a particular focus on the foregoing categories of sanctions. The key aspect of sanctions is the process by which they can prove effective. In other words, what measures should be taken to enhance the effectiveness of sanctions? In this regard, a conceptual framework was developed in this study to identify several factors that affect the effectiveness of sanctions. These factors include the number of allies of the sanctioning state, the degree of focus on vulnerable areas of the target state, the experience and adaptability of the target state to the applied sanctions, and the type, content, and intensity of sanctions.

This research adopts a comparative approach, which is a scientific inference method that involves systematically juxtaposing similarities and differences among social phenomena, whether for descriptive or causal purposes. Moreover, an analytical-explanatory method was used for data analysis, and a desk method was adopted for data collection. The necessary data including the laws of the US Congress and the executive orders of the US President were extracted from electronic databases. The effects of the sanction laws on the political and economic systems of Iran and Venezuela were then clarified through publications and economic data showcasing the economic situations against these two countries.

According to the results of analyzing the economic statistics of the two countries presented in the above table, Iran encountered a decline of 47.9% in its daily petroleum production, whereas Venezuela witnessed a more substantial decrease of 76.9%. In the realm of exportation and importation, Iran experienced a decline of 47.5% and 15.3%, respectively. Similarly, Venezuela encountered a decrease of 48.5% and 44.7% in these areas, respectively. Regarding foreign investment attraction, Iran experienced a decline of 53.86%, whereas Venezuela suffered a more significant decrease of 60.67%. Additionally, the inflation rate in Iran had a significant surge of 277%, whereas it skyrocketed by an astonishing 114,000% in Venezuela compared with the pre-sanction period. In fact, Venezuela is experiencing the highest inflation rate in the Western Hemisphere. Regarding the unemployment rates of the two nations, the situation is somewhat complex. The unemployment rate in Iran only experienced a minimal change in comparison with the period before sanctions. However, in the case of Venezuela, this rate surged by 22.2% compared with the pre-sanction era. In addition, the Iranian rial's value against the US dollar decreased by nearly 303%, whereas the bolivar's value declined by 149%. Lastly, Iran’s economic growth reduced by 235.1% as a result of the sanctions, whereas Venezuela's economic growth decreased by 47%.  Upon the careful analysis of the legislative measures enacted by US Congress and the executive orders issued by the US President, alongside a comprehensive assessment of the economic conditions prevailing in both nations subsequent to the implementation of sanctions, there are evidently notable resemblances in the nature and substance of the sanctions imposed on Venezuela and Iran. However, the adverse outcomes of these sanctions have had more pronounced impacts on Venezuela than on Iran. In relation to the subjects and substances of sanctions, it has been observed that the sanctions imposed on Venezuela primarily focus on industrial sectors such as petroleum, mining, shipping, government officials, and to a certain extent, the banking industry. Regarding Iran, in addition to these areas, financial, nuclear, and military sanctions have been affected. Furthermore, Venezuela has faced sanctions imposed by the US Congress and the US Treasury as well as several European and American states. In the case of Iran, however, the US Congress has been less involved, and there are no multilateral sanctions in place against Tehran. Regarding the rationale behind imposing sanctions on the two nations, it is evident from the findings that Iran has consistently faced allegations of engaging in destabilizing actions in the Middle East, engaging in perilous military endeavors, and pursuing nuclear activities, among other concerns. Nevertheless, Maduro's administration has faced allegations of corruption, repression, and violations of human rights. Simultaneously, it is important to acknowledge that corruption, mismanagement, censorship, and internal repression have consistently served as justifications for implementing sanctions on both nations.

 Conclusion and Suggestion:

According to the analysis of alterations in diverse economic domains including daily petroleum production, export and import activities, foreign investment influx, inflation rates, and other pertinent economic indicators subsequent to the implementation of sanctions, it becomes evident that Venezuela’s economy exhibited a higher degree of vulnerability in comparison with Iran’s. This is due to some factors including Venezuela’s greater reliance on petroleum sources and gold mines as well as the corresponding greater focus of sanction agents on these matters, the country’s severe internal conflicts, the greater scope of Venezuela’s sanctions that of Iran, and Venezuela’s less experience in dealing with sanctions. The foregoing findings do not imply that the adverse economic situations of the two countries since 2017 have been exclusively attributable to the US sanctions, nor do the findings substantiate the complete efficacy of sanctions. Sometimes, incorrect economic policies or the improper implementation of policies, e.g., inadequate budgeting process reforms, failure to decrease dependence on the dollar, lack of diversification in exports (particularly non-petroleum exports), and failure to invest in economic opportunities and platforms, have resulted in dire economic conditions. The overall effects of sanctions on governments are contingent upon a multitude of political, economic, social, and cultural variables as well as domestic, regional, and international circumstances. Hence, despite the implementation of comparable sanctions on two given states, identical outcomes cannot be anticipated. Notably, although sanctions severely weaken the economies of sanctioned nations, the two cases examined in this study (i.e., Iran and Venezuela) demonstrate that the exertion of economic pressure does not change the political conduct of governing bodies. Therefore, it can be argued that, in contrast to the intentions of those who imposed sanctions, the impacts of sanctions will primarily be felt by casual citizens rather than statesmen. In order to have a clearer analysis in this regard, it is suggested to comprehensively compare the experiences of other states under similar sanctions with those of Iran and Venezuela.